Islam et les Christians

I found this paper on Muslim-Christian relations in France and really enjoyed it. The author asserted that Muslims and Christians allied themselves in many instances due to French secularism: laïcité. He based his observations on the analysis of a number of mosques in the Lille, France area and through participant observation with the the Lille based group Groupe d’amitie´ Islamo–Chre´tien du Hautmont-Mouvaux, a prominent interfaith dialogue group composed of Muslims and Christians whose aim is discussion and harmonious relations. He then typologized the area mosques into four groups- those who felt they were integrated, those who were working on becoming better integrated with the local community, those who were negative about it, and those who were simply detached, for which religious integration is not a question that arises. He concluded that the influence of those who were negative about integration was waning and their numbers were statistically on the decline.

From the Protestant theologian Karl Barth, as discussed by the author:

"Furthermore, Barth’s theology has a more inclusivist and positive side. He recognizes Melchizedek as one biblical example of a ‘foreign’, ‘pagan’ religious leader with something vitally important to say, and with a constitutive role in the development of ‘the revealed religion’.20 This is a universalistic statement by Barth. Without mentioning Islam by name, he writes ‘that man, our fellow-man generally, can become our neighbour, even where we do not think we see anything of the Church, i.e., in his humanity he can remind us of the humanity of the Son of God and show mercy upon us by summoning us in that way to the praise of God.’ He argues that individual ‘Gentiles’ were given a place, not only in ‘redemptive history’, but also in ‘the apparently closed circle of the divine election’, by which they had ‘very important and decisive things to say to the children of the household’. However,they cannot ‘be regarded as in any way the representatives of a general revelation’, they ‘have no Word of God to preach’, ‘are not witnesses of the resurrection’ and ‘have no full power to summon to the love of God’.21 This ambiguity is an accurate portrayal of the representations of Islam which can be found in different strands of Christianity, and the same ambiguity arises in Islam on the basis of quranic texts such as the ones cited above."

And here are some excerpts from the aforementioned paper on interfaith dialogue:
So these mosques have a generally positive attitude to integration, and, by extension, to laicite´. The integration of ‘immigrants’ into ‘French society’ is an important and controversial subject in French political discourses, though the acceptance of laïcité, at least in principle, is often considered a measure of Muslims’ integration. In this context, I am referring to religious integration, that is, a view that Muslim and French values are not antithetical, and a willingness to adapt Islamic practices to ‘Ž t in’ with ‘French ways of life’. Amar Lasfar, the rector of the Lille Sud mosque, said in an interview which I conducted:
We have always said that laïcité is fortunate for the Muslim religion here in
France. Thank God that the State is laique. If not, I don’t think we would practise the Muslim religion in France. Laïcité offers us existence. The framework of laïcité, we don’t just accept it, we defend it. Us Muslims, we defend laïcité, we defend the framework of laïcité. What grieves us is the interpretation of the word laïcité´ … I can tell you that two years ago, when the headscarf affair began here in France, we discovered that there isn’t just one meaning of laïcité´. Each group, or even each citizen, has its own interpretation of laïcité.29

The Mosque´e Ad-Dawa in Roubaix has a reputation for being ‘fundamentalist’ (integriste), but we need to be aware that, besides the problems with applying terms like fundamentalism and integrisme to Islam, this is only a reputation. Amar Lasfar has argued that it is due to two factors: all Muslims, particularly Algerian Muslims (who comprise most of that mosque’s constituency), are suspected of integrisme; and the Mosque´e Ad-Dawa does not subscribe to the principles of an Islam de France. These principles, to which Lasfar himself has publicly subscribed, are based on the idea that Islam is � exible, and can be adapted to the surrounding culture. Where a mosque, or a group of Muslims, does not follow this idea, what is practised is a traditional articulation of Islam, which is often labelled fundamentalist or iintegriste.31
There are also a number of smaller mosques in the Lille area, which are sometimes
difficult to find. Often, someone’s front room, or some other building, is used as a
mosque. French Muslims often refer to these as salles de prie`re , rather than mosque´es, following the Arabic distinction between masjid, used for any mosque, and ja¯mi¨, reserved for mosques in which the Friday khut½ba, or sermon, is preached.32 These mosques tend to be frequented by the first generation of Muslims in France, and their attitude to the integration of Islam in French society seems to be relatively detached.
That is not to say that those Muslims are apathetic about integration. On the contrary, they have had to work particularly hard to integrate into French society. On the other hand, they do not subscribe to an Islam de France, and could be labelled traditionalist.
Yet they are never labelled integriste, like the Mosque´e Ad-Dawa.
Following on from this, it is possible to construct a typology of the various mosques
in the Lille area according to their outlook on integration. There are those who are
generally positive about religious integration, and maintain that it is a fait accompli (like the Mosque´e de Lille), those who are positive but consider it an (as yet) unreached goal(Lille Sud mosque), those who are generally negative about religious integration, and see it as happening (Mosque´e Ad-Dawa), and those who are negative or detached, and for whom religious integration is not a question which arises (the smaller'first-generation’ mosques). Those Muslims who are involved in inter-religious dialogue tend to belong to the first two groups. They are not the only ones who are affected by laïcité, but the third and fourth groups are unlikely to participate in dialogue. The third group has a very different way of dealing with laïcité, and is more concerned with distinguishing Muslim from non-Muslim than Christian from laic. Concomitantly, the fourth group is becoming less significant in terms of the statistical composition of the Muslim community in France, and in terms of its influence.
Christian–Muslim dialogue in France, where it occurs, is often seen in the context of
laïcité´. One of my interviewees argued that the problems facing young people in contemporary France made Muslim–Christian dialogue particularly important, and agreed that the common challenge of laïcité was one possible reason for this dialogue being particularly strong in France, as compared with the United Kingdom. However, Amo Ferhati, the director of an organization concerned with issues of ‘integration’, saw dialogue firmly in a context of laïcité—his association had organized a festival for Eid al-Hadha which had been secularized (laïcisé) by inviting members of the Jewish and Christian communities to participate.

To take one example of this, which demonstrates that laicite´ is contested within a context of Muslim–Christian relations, we have seen that the school is an important symbol of, and locus for, contests over laõ¨cite´. This can be seen in the Jules Ferry laws,the affaire du foulard and the teaching of religion in the home. It can also be seen in the presence of Muslim pupils in Catholic private schools. One interviewee in Roubaix (just outside Lille, in the same conurbation) told me that many Muslim parents prefer to send their children to private schools run by the Catholic church. In some cases, this is because they are perceived as providing a better moral and religious education that the state schools. In his own case, he sent his daughter to a Catholic school because the local school was de´borde´ (overworked, conflictual), though he would have preferred to send her to an e´cole laique. Both cases are similar though, because they exist within a context where the private, the Catholic private school, the individual/familial, religion, morality and the elite are contrasted with the public, the state school, society, laïcité´/citizenship, liberty/libertarianism and the masses.
So, Muslim–Christian dialogue is not confined to subjects which arise directly from
laõ¨cite´ or secularization, but the subjects which are discussed are frequently analyzed in the context of laïcité. Other social issues are frequently discussed, as are international issues, and there is a frequently articulated desire to find out more about each other’s religious practices, and how they are experienced ‘deep down’. Lepoutre’s document stated that the dialogue at Hautmont had social implications, citing as an example the five resolutions on the equilibrium of society which were adopted at the weekend of 1989 (which was on the subject Vivre ensemble nos differences):
(1) ‘find the means to avoid segregation in the allocation of housing’;
(2) ‘involve all inhabitants in the running and activities of their district or town’;
(3) ‘no discrimination in hiring people or in the allocation of jobs’;
16 Malcolm D. Brown
(4) ‘take the needs of young people into account and define their place with them’;
(5) ‘encourage more North African and French families to enroll their children in
Arabic language classes’.34
On the significance of such resolutions, the document continues by arguing: ‘Even if
the Hautmont group does not have the operational means to ensure that these
resolutions be applied, we can see that they signify a collective awareness, and
contribute to the development of public opinion.’35
The diversity of subjects covered in Muslim–Christian dialogue, including such social
issues, contributes to the diversity of representations of Islam, and to the diversity of Muslim identities. Subjects under discussion at the first meeting I attended of the Groupe Islamo–Chre´tien included international issues (the situations in Algeria and Palestine), social issues (French immigration policy, integration, human dignity and religious responsibilities towards ‘foreigners’), ‘religious’ issues (representation of Muslims in France, the Pope’s visit to France, religious festivals, prayer and the meaning of death), culture (Iranian cinema) and dialogue itself (multilateral and bilateral). This dialogue involved a different constitution of Self and Other: Self was constituted as Christians and Muslims who participated in dialogue, who accepted each other and who opposed violence and social repression. This clearly problematizes an essentialist notion of a Muslim identity, and demonstrates that dialogue in the context of laïcité can lead to a reassessment of the socio-political situation, including laïcité itself."
"In contrast, the oppositions to which I referred earlier (the private, the Catholic
private school, the individual/familial, religion, morality and the elite, contrasted with the public, the state school, society, laõ¨cite´/citizenship, liberty/libertarianism and the masses) necessitate, or stimulate, dialogue between Muslims and Christians in France.
They are on the same side. On a sociological level, this may give an insight into why
Muslim–Christian dialogue has been particularly extensive in France, or at least some
parts of France. However, from the point of view of the individual actors, the need for dialogue may not be understood in these terms. For French Christians who have
related to Muslims as ‘immigrants’, the responsibility to welcome the ‘foreigner’ or
‘stranger’ is often cited. For Muslims, the quranic prescription to discuss with the People of the Book ‘in ways that are best and most gracious’ (Q. 16:125), and the
reminder that the Christians are ‘nearest among them in love to the believers’ (Q.
5:82), are often cited."

Source: An Ethnographic Reflection on Muslim-Christian Dialogue in the North of France: the context of laïcité.
Brown, Malcolm D.
Islam & Christian-Muslim Relations; Jan2002, Vol. 13 Issue 1, p5-23, 19p